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[Nettime-bold] EZLN warns of possible army offensive following July 2 elections + more |
- To: chiapas95@eco.utexas.edu
- Subject: En;Irlandesa,Chiapas News Synthesis June 1-7,Jun 17
- From: owner-chiapas95@eco.utexas.edu (Chiapas95)
- Date: Sat, 17 Jun 2000 14:45:56 -0500 (CDT)
- Reply-To: chiapas-i@eco.utexas.edu
-- This message is forwarded to you by the editors of the Chiapas95 newslists. To contact the editors write to: <chiapas@eco.utexas.edu>. To submit material for posting send to: <chiapas-i@eco.utexas.edu>. From: "Mexico Solidarity Network" <msn@mexicosolidarity.org> To: <msn@mexicosolidarity.org> Date: Tue, 13 Jun 2000 13:04:32 -0500 Subject: [Chiapas-l] Weekly News Summary: June 1-7 2000 Sender: chiapas-l-admin@groundwork.ucsd.edu WEEKLY NEWS SUMMARY JUNE 1-7 2000 CONTENTS: 1. EZLN warns of possible army offensive following July 2 elections 2. Campaign 2000: Labastida causes market scare; Fox declares himself "President-Elect" 3. Remaining student prisoners freed on bail 4. Briefs EZLN: ARMY ATTACK LIKELY AFTER ELECTIONS The Chiapas-based Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) warned in a communique this week that the federal government may be planning a military offensive against the Zapatista Army and its civilian communities shortly before or in the months following the July 2 presidential elections. Signed by Comandante David and Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos, the communique was addressed to the participants of the National Encounter of Civil Society for Peace and Against the Militarization in Mexico, scheduled for June 9 and 10 in Mexico City. The letter asks for Mexican society and the political elite to be reminded, as the July 2 elections approach, that "there cannot be democracy while there is war, and that democracy is only possible when there is peace with dignity." "In our lands," continues the letter, "the government's war against the Indian peoples continues its course, although it may be hidden somewhat by the electoral process. The machinery of the Mexican State is mobilized in Chiapas in two ways: in order to ensure the imposition of the new "warlord," Francisco Labastida Ochoa; and to prepare for a significant military-police action against the EZLN. Rumors are floating around high levels of government of an agreement between Labastida and Zedillo. In the case that the PRI achieves its objective of imposing another six years of nightmares for the Mexican people, in exchange for covering the back of he who currently works at Los Pinos [the presidential mansion], the official candidate has received guarantees that he "will not inherit" the conflict in Chiapas. And thus the plans are being made for the "definitive" (a word much adored by Zedillo) government offensive to take place after the July 2 electoral process and before the inauguration of the new "president," in the case that the PRI manages to keep itself in power. Nevertheless, faced with the possibility of defeat, sectors within the PRI are contemplating the possibility of that offensive being carried out before the elections, in the hope of repairing the catastrophic campaign of Labastida." The federal government responded to the EZLN's communique with a series of statements from different officials denying that the rebel worries constitute anything but a "fantasy." The government's coordinator for the nonexistant dialogue in Chiapas, Emilio Rabasa, stated that there was not a situation of war in Chiapas, but rather "a situation of political conflict, with an armed group that has declared war on the Mexican Army and government." Therefore, continued Rabasa, "there has to be an army presence in order to contain actions which could put civilian sectors in jeapordy." The commander of the 31st Military Zone in Chiapas, meanwhile - Carlos Enrique Adam Yabur - insisted there was no military incursion being planned against the EZLN, and that the Zapatistas' statements "are just a fantasy to make people worry." The office of the Attorney General (PGR) added that the military-police incursions currently being carried out in the Chiapas highlands "are exclusively to combat drugs and not to intimidate or repress the population." And Francisco Labastida himself replied to the accusations of an "agreement" with President Zedillo whereby the former would not "inherit the conflict" only by saying "that is totally false." But concerns about the increasing militarization in the so-called "conflict zone" of Chiapas were echoed this week by Jose' Luis Soberanes, president of the official National Human Rights Commission (CNDH); Felipe Arizmendi, the new bishop of San Cristo'bal de las Casas; Emilio Zebadu'a, a councilor of the Federal Electoral Institute (IFE); and Gilberto Lo'pez y Rivas, federal deputy and member of the legislative Commission on Concordance and Pacification in Chiapas (COCOPA). While addressing the issue of human rights in the state of Guerrero, ombudsman Jose' Luis Soberanes commented on the militarization in that state, as well as in the other southeastern states of Oaxaca and Chiapas. "The Army does not have any reason to carry out police functions," he stated, and added that the military presence in those three states should be "reduced." Lo'pez y Rivas called for an "urgent" meeting of the COCOPA to address the situation expounded in the EZLN's communique, suggesting the rebel group's concerns were justified. "The government's strategy is very clear," he said. "During Zedillo's presidency the militarization has advanced in the conflict zone to the point where the General Command of the EZLN is pratically surrounded and under siege. This was verified by a group of PRD legislators and representatives of civil society in a trip we made through the Jungle, North, and Highlands regions of the state last April." Bishop Arizmendi, for his part, met with Interior Minister Dio'doro Carrasco and relayed "complaints against the excessive militarization in Chiapas." He later expressed his "hope" that government troops will not attack the EZLN, "because we all desire that peaceful paths will continue to be followed in search of a solution to the problems which exist in Chiapas." And Emilio Zebadu'a, electoral councilor of the Federal Electoral Institute (IFE) - the agency in charge of organizing the July 2 presidential elections - declared that "the soldiers should be confined to their barracks and withdrawn from the communities and roads of Chiapas" during the upcoming electoral process, as the militarization of the state can only be detrimental to the realization of free and fair elections. Meanwhile, authorities of the autonomous municipalities of Ricardo Flores Mago'n, 17 de Noviembre, and San Manuel denounced this week that twelve communities inhabited by Zapatista bases of support in the Montes Azules bioreserve are threatened with imminent expulsion by joint forces of the Federal Preventative Police (PFP) and the Federal Army. It is feared that the expulsion of indigenous communities in the bioreserve - located to the east of what is generally considered the stronghold of EZLN support - will lead to the completion of the military encirclement around the EZLN and its base communities, and thus be the final step before an offensive against the rebels. CAMPAIGN 2000: LABASTIDA'S THREATS SEND MARKETS, PESO REELING In a campaign speech on June 5, the presidential candidate for the ruling PRI party, Francisco Labastida Ochoa, predicted a "clear and transparent" victory for the PRI in the July 2 elections. In the same speech, Labastida declared that "if we do not win by a wide margin, we will have, as a result, problems in the country, demostrations and disturbances which can affect the development of Mexico." The following day, in what economic analysts claimed was a knee-jerk reaction to Labastida's declarations, the Mexican peso dropped more than 2 percent - losing 19.75 centavos to the dollar, reaching its lowest value in more than a year - and the Mexican stock market registered a fall of 4.64%. The falls corresponded with a drop in the Mexican international monetary reserves of 813 million dollars in a one week period, although the Bank of Mexico claims the loss of reserves was unrelated to the current election campaign and investor worries of instability. In other campaign news this week, PAN and Alliance for Change candidate Vicente Fox Quesada began taking out full page advertisements in national newspapers declaring himself "President-Elect." In speeches and other advertisements, he expanded this strategy of "vote-for-me-because-I've-already-won," citing a seemingly endless list of polls which place him in the lead over Labastida (by between 4 and 7 points) and PRD/Alliance for Mexico candidate Cuauhte'moc Ca'rdenas (by between 25 and 38 points). Fox also used his advantage in the polls to call on supporters of Cuauhte'moc Ca'rdenas to defect to his campaign: "We must recognize the struggles for democracy which have been waged by Cuauhte'moc Ca'rdenas Solo'rzano," said Fox to a crowd in the state of Baja California Sur, "but we are also obligated to be realistic, to recognize that he has no chance to reach the presidency....Therefore, I call on the PRD militants of the state of Baja California Sur and across the country to join us in a unitary opposition vote." In Durango a short while later, Fox also called on his supporters to mobilize in case of fraud, and to "defend your votes with your lives, if necessary." Meanwhile, PRD candidate Ca'rdenas responded by accusing Fox of being a candidate without principles: "It seems that the only thing which interests Vicente Fox is winning the election, but we don't know why, since his closest collaborators, those who write his speeches and create his television ads, are declaring that this election is not about principles or commitments, but only about winning votes....Mexico cannot have a president whose mouth and tongue are moved by others and who has no ideas, no commitments, and no principles for the nation." In another speech, Ca'rdenas declared that Fox "has unleashed a war of polls with the intent of tricking the population and making everyone think he has already won the election." Ca'rdenas added that most polls being cited by the candidates are not carried out with scientific rigor, and "one day put Labastida ahead of Fox and the next day put Fox ahead of Labastida...such that we don't know if they are really polls or simply figures scribbled on paper to try and influence electoral opinon." Ca'rdenas' statement was a veiled reference to the second presidential debate, in which Fox scored points with public opinion by suddenly producing, in a sealed envelope, the "secret codes" of the PAN to access a disk which contains the names of all the individuals and corporations who were involved in the Fobaproa savings and loan scandal - a scandal which involved a bailout of hundreds of wealthy Mexicans through the conversion of their private debts (some of which were illegal) into a public debt worth nearly 91 billion dollars. The identities of those involved were not made public, but rather kept on a guarded diskette which can only be accessed with a series of codes, each one in the possession of a different political party. Fox's envelope - given to journalist Ricardo Rocha - thus supposedly contained the PAN's code, and Fox demanded that the PRI and the PRD hand their codes over as well (the PRD did; the PRI did not). But after the debate, it was discovered that Fox's "revelation" contained only scribbled, illegible handwriting. Meanwhile, a list of names of some of those who benefitted from the Fopabroa scandal was released to the press anyway this week by PRD representative Pablo Go'mez. The list, which includes 747 names - but often only last names - includes those of the families of Vicente Fox Quesada and Francisco Labastida Ochoa. UNAM: REMAINING STUDENT PRISONERS FREED ON BAIL The last six members of the General Strike Council (CGH) imprisoned for their participation in last year's student-led strike at the National Autonomous University of Mexico were released on bail on June 7, four months and one day after the college campus was occupied by forces of the Federal Preventative Police (PFP). Those released from the Reclusorio Norte federal penitentiary were Alberto Pacheco Gui'zar, Jorge Marti'nez Valero, Guadalupe Carrasco Licea, Mario Flavio Beni'tez, Alejandro Echevarri'a, and Leticia Contreras. The action came after the judge presiding over their cases, Juan Rami'rez Di'az, dropped all remaining "grave" charges against the students, thus granting them the legal right to "conditional" liberty. The fact that no students of the CGH are currently in jail does not mean all charges against them have been dropped. Although the previous accusations of terrorism and rioting are no longer in effect, charges were ratified this week against 57 students for "violent dispossession of property." Many others are also only free on bail as their cases progress, and must return to the Reclusorio once a week to "sign in" at the prison. NEWS IN BRIEF - A new report issued this week by the Mexican Academy of Human Rights identifies fifteen paramilitary groups currently operating with impunity in Chiapas. Of these, ten are "clearly identified as paramilitary" organizations, whereas five are composed of organized "civilians" who carry arms. The ten paramilitary organizations are listed as: Desarrollo, Paz y Justicia; Los Chinchulines; Movimiento Indi'gena Revolucionario Anti-Zapatista (MIRA); Ma'scara Roja; Alianza San Bartolome' de los Llanos; Los Quintos; Los Pu~ales; Los Aguilares; Organizacio'n Campesina Obrera Popular de Chiapas (OCOPCh); and Los Tomates. The remaining, smaller groups are: Los Pla'tanos; Los Chentes; Los Carrancistas; Frente Civil; and the Organizacio'n Clandestina Revolucionaria. - The president of the National Association of Exporters and Importers of the Mexican Republic (ANIERM), Fernando Correa Mota, announced in an interview with the La Jornada newspaper this week that only 30,000 Mexican businesses - just one percent of the total - participate in international trade and are thus in a position to benefit from globalization and free trade agreements. Of these, according to Correa, half are maquiladoras; and of the rest, 70% are actually multinational corporations. - June 7 marked the second anniversary of the massacre of El Charco, Guerrero, in which Federal Army troops attacked a schoolhouse where guerrillas from the Insurgent People's Revolutionary Army (ERPI) were meeting with local civilians. The soldiers did not accept surrender, and eleven people were murdered in the attack, some of them shot at point-blank range. One of those killed was a student from the UNAM, Ricardo Zavala Tapia, and this year a mass in his memory was held in the Mexico City Cathedral on the anniversary of his death. _________________________________________________________________ SOURCES: La Jornada, El Financiero, Proceso, El Universal, El Excelsior. This news summary is a product of the Mexico Solidarity Network. Redistribution is authorized and encouraged provided that the source is cited. _______________________________________________ CHIAPAS-L mailing list CHIAPAS-L@groundwork.ucsd.edu http://groundwork.ucsd.edu/mailman/listinfo/chiapas-l -- To unsubscribe from this list send a message containing the words unsubscribe chiapas95 (or chiapas95-lite, or chiapas95-english, or chiapas95-espanol) to majordomo@eco.utexas.edu. 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