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| Gita Hashemi on Wed, 1 Mar 2006 13:53:10 +0100 (CET) |
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i'm forwarding the article below in the interest of diversity of
voices and views and as follow up to the recent debate on nettime
regarding the cartoons and the 'cartoonified' representations of the
events of the past several weeks in the mass media and in certain
commentary on nettime. i'll paste the article below and follow it
with my commentary.
----------------------------------
--- FORWARDED ARTICLE ---
----------------------------------
Don't be silenced by extremists
A plea from 11 Canadian Muslim academics and activists:
Feb. 28, 2006. 10:37 AM
http://www.thestar.com/NASApp/cs/ContentServer?pagename=thestar/Layout/Article_PrintFriendly&c=Article&cid=1141037292287&call_pageid=968256290204
The authors
Jehad Aliweiwi, former executive director of the Canadian Arab Federation.
Taj Hashmi, sessional professor, Simon Fraser University.
Amir Hassanpour, associate professor, University of Toronto.
Tarek Fatah, host, The Muslim Chronicle, CTS-TV.
Tareq Y. Ismael, professor, University of Calgary.
Jacqueline S. Ismael, professor, University of Calgary.
El-Farouk Khaki, secretary general, Muslim Canadian Congress.
Shahrzad Mojab, associate professor, University of Toronto.
Haideh Moghissi, professor, York University.
Munir Pervaiz, secretary, Pakistan-Canadian Writers Forum.
Saeed Rahnema, professor, York University.
A curtain of fear has descended on the intelligentsia of the West,
including Canada. The fear of being misunderstood as Islamophobic has
sealed their lips, dried their pens and locked their keyboards.
With hundreds dead around the world in the aftermath of the now
infamous Danish cartoons, Canada's writers, politicians and media
have imposed a frightening censorship on themselves, refusing to
speak their minds, thus ensuring that the only voices being heard are
that of the Muslim extremists and the racist right.
Emboldened by the free rein they have received, Canada's Muslim
extremists and their supporters flexed their muscles at Queen's Park
last week, with speakers promising to drown the Danish people "in
their own blood".
A protestor carried the sign "Kurt Westgaard - countdown to justice
has begun ... it's just a matter of time."
Elsewhere, in Pakistan, a Muslim woman was pictured carrying a sign,
"God Bless Hitler," and a Muslim cleric placed a $1 million reward
for the murder of a Danish cartoonist. Embassies were burned,
churches ruined and hundreds died in different Muslim countries.
Undoubtedly, Muslims were angered by the insulting cartoons. But the
overblown reaction was partly due to their pent-up frustrations, and
partly the result of orchestrated mischief by certain Islamist
leaders.
Islamic societies, run by variances of autocratic regimes, are in
turmoil. Ravaged by rampant corruption, a widening gap between rich
and poor, and suppression of dissent, the people in these societies
have lost hope in their own futures.
The U.S.-led invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq, the unending
occupation of the Palestinian territories and the quagmire of the
Kashmiri dispute, have led many Muslims and non-religious peoples of
Islamic origin, to view the West as the source of their countries'
problems.
The growing popularity of the extremists in Muslim societies, the
electoral success of the likes of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in Iran, Shia
radicals in Iraq, and Hamas in the Palestinian territories, rather
than signifying the growing religiosity of the peoples of the Middle
East, reflect political despair in the region.
In the West, people of Muslim origin, be they religious or secular,
are facing growing racism, Islamophobia and discrimination reflected
in immigration policies and anti-terrorist legislation.
The cartoon crisis was the straw that broke the camel's back.
The Muslim extremists seized the opportunity and added fuel to fire.
The calculated role played by the two Danish Muslim extremists,
backed by Islamic fundamentalist regimes, is a case in point. They
not only aggravated an already inflammatory situation, but added
their own infuriating images, never published in the West, as they
took their case to clerics in the Middle East.
Both, Imam Abu Laban and Ahmad Akkari have escaped the attention and
scrutiny their acts deserved. These two men, who now sit in the
comfort of their homes in Denmark, should be held accountable for
their criminal actions.
For too long the media have created an image that portrays
communities from the Muslim world as a monolith entity, best
represented by extremists.
The media have created a false dichotomy that pits these Muslim
extremists against the West. The fact is that in all Muslim
countries, progressive citizens are trying to break loose from the
tyranny of the autocrats and clerics and wish to develop a civil
society where citizenship is based not on inherited race or religion,
but the equality of all, irrespective of faith, race, sexuality or
gender.
In Tehran today, the city's bus drivers are on strike. Thousands have
been arrested; entire families have disappeared. Yet, this has not
made a blip in the western media.
If the same bus drivers were burning books or embassies, this would
certainly be on the evening news. This is an appalling example that
only outrageous, violent expressions of faith by Muslim extremists
are taken as the aspirations of people from Islamic societies.
It is time for Canadians to stand up for the hard-won democratic
values that the Muslim extremists oppose.
By rejecting the agenda of the extremists, Canada's intelligentsia
would be standing shoulder to shoulder with the Muslims and secular
individuals from the region who reject both Islamophobia and
Islamism. Islamism is not the new revolutionary movement against
global forces of oppression, as a section of the left in this country
erroneously perceives.
Today, the religious right and autocracies in the so-called Islamic
world are united in their call for passing legislation to make any
discussion on religion a criminal offence.
This, at a time when many writers in Jordan, Iran, Yemen, Pakistan
and Afghanistan are rotting in jails, facing charges of apostasy and
blasphemy.
We call on Canadian politicians and intellectuals to stand up for
freedom of expression.
Our democratic values, including free speech, should not be
compromised under the garb of fighting hate.
To fight Islamophobia and racism, we do not need to sacrifice free
speech and debate.
----------------------------------------
--- END FORWARDED ARTICLE ---
----------------------------------------
i totally agree with the authors' call on "western" intelligentsia,
but i find their simplistic discourse around "free expression"
unsettling. since they've unpacked so many other myths, i think it
shows a certain degree of political calculation to leave the free
expression discourse untouched. from a tactical point of view, this
form of intervention is no doubt advantageous. but calling in the
same breath on canadian politicians, the same politicians who also
remain silent about israeli atrocities and occupation in palestine
and are fully complicit in the u.s.-led war in afghanistan and iraq
(haiti and elsewhere), to take a position against islamic extremism
is a move made from a place of political desperation (perhaps of the
same kind that the authors observe in people living under islamic
theocracies) rather than ethical clarity. i find this hard to accept
except as a situated, local and tactical response (and perhaps this
is the only way to understand/respond to the events and responses).
"free expression" is not just an ethical principle but is also a
legal discourse and thus must be understood in the context of power
relations. to ignore its constructed and contextual nature as a code
is inherently an error of fundamentalism. all legal codes are
defined within the paradigms of dominant powers, and these are as
corrupt, coercive and violent in the so-called democracies
(guantanamo bay, abu gharib, etc.) as they are in theocracies, of all
religious brands. the assumptions that legal discourses provide
solutions to our social and political ills, or they should, or that
the law is the primary site of social relations and political
power/resistance are logocentric and fundamentally fundamentalist.
the charge of blasphemy is used against political dissidents in
islamic states - frequently without any actual evidence of words/acts
of blasphemy by people who are targeted - is also a charge laid
within the framework of the dominant legal discourse. when canadian
immigration deports refugees from islamic states back to their
countries of origin, the immigration court often upholds the laws of
these countries, even those contravening UN charters and
international conventions. the same logic/policy is currently being
used against u.s. war resisters (by unofficial estimates numbering in
the hundreds) who are seeking asylum in canada. discourse of law is
always and invariably a political discourse.
having said that, i'd like to briefly state a few points raised
in/inspired by the forwarded article:
1- media representations of the post-cartoon events - as in majority
of media representations of anything and everything in "islamic
countries and societies" - have been sensationalist, ignorant and
reductionist in that they have focused on extremist voices only.
this is a continuity rather than a novelty.
2- by remaining ignorant of and/or being out of touch with the
indigenous movements for democracy in countries under islamic states,
"western intelligentsia" have become complicit in the
orientalist/imperialist discourse of western states.
3- the publishing of the cartoons and the delayed reactions by
"muslims" were equally constructed, calculated and orchestrated, the
one by the racist danish right and the other by islamic
fundamentalists, also on the political "right." western
racism/islamophobia and islamic fundamentalism are mirrors facing
each other and between them is a historical pile of shit, ad
infinitum.
4- meanwhile, there remain the undeniable facts that western states'
wars of occupation and systemic campaigns of exploitation have been
consistently intensified in "muslim" lands and at their cost first
and foremost; and that the islamic states are fully implicated in the
process.
5- s/he who muddies the water keeps us all from seeing the sharks.
6- really, it should not be a surprise to anybody that "we the
muslims" have debates amongst ourselves, such as i'm exposing here,
for your information. some of these debates, including those
for/against secularism, go way back, by centuries. that's why i take
offense when western intellectuals conflate the issues by projecting
their xenophobic fears of "multiculturalism" (btw, north american
critical race discourse has been unpacking that myth for a couple of
decades now, so don't worry, nothing will really change with
multiculturalism) onto an already complex and contentious
history/present. self-reflection is a precondition of ethical
clarity and clarity of action.
finally, and this is in response to florian cramer's departing note
to nettime, i see no reason for turning a public conversation into a
private one. like cramer, i got a number of messages sent to me off
the list supporting my intervention. puzzling, this is. we're all
*public* intellectuals, after all, and the topic is a matter of
public interest/concern. the fragmentation makes me wonder about
nettime as a social communicative space. cramer is right that the
cartoon/ish debate touches on issues central to nettime's
self-understanding. i personally don't think that nettime's
self-understanding needs to be a fixed and homogenous one in order
for it to function as a public space. and if the core principles we
can reasonably assume we all agree on are *for* democracy (however
undefined we tend to leave that term), then nettime has to be able at
the very least to sustain conflict, not to avoid or quell it.
be well.
gita
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