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| Gita Hashemi on Tue, 13 Jun 2006 04:02:52 +0200 (CEST) |
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| <nettime> two forwards on canada's terror campaign |
i'm forwarding two items below (Statement on anti-terror arrests by
the Toronto Coalition to Stop the War, and Wounded Sentiments:
Multiculturalism, the "Toronto 17", and the National Imaginary by
Sumayya Kassamali & Usamah Ahmad) as some people may be interested to
know the local take on the recent canadian scare campaign. the
arrests of these men (5 out of the 17 are under the age of 18) and
the media spectacle staged by CSIS and RCMP and perpetuated by our
embedded media - including so-called public CBC which effectively has
become a mouthpiece for the security agenda - has successfully
diverted the public discourse away from debating canada's recent
upgrade of its military involvement in afghanistan from so-called
peacekeeping to overt war (not new really, they've just dropped the
cover). another triumph of propaganda.
if you need a refresher on the infamous "project thread" arrests two
years ago, note http://www.threadbare.tyo.ca/, the website of the
"project threadbare", a local ad-hoc collective whose public
interventions in that case were instrumental in rescuing the 20-some
mostly pakestani students who were arrested then from the fate that
has befallen "security certificate detainees" in canada. although,
the subsequent deportation of these men and the heart-breaking
personal tragedies many of them suffered and continue to suffer
doesn't leave much room for celebration.
a necessary addition to be made to the statement below (#1) is that
many conservative and neoliberal camps within the diverse muslim
communities here have in fact been playing alongside their white
counterparts by calling on muslims to spy on one another and to
"respect canadian values", thus perpetuating the "good vs. bad
muslim" discourse.
be well.
gita
=== 1 ===
---- forwarded message ----
Date: Wed, 07 Jun 2006 15:58:33 -0400
Subject: Statement on anti-terror arrests
From: Coalition to Stop the War <stopthewar {AT} sympatico.ca>
Please forward widely.
Statement on anti-terror arrests
By the Toronto Coalition to Stop the War
The recent wave of "anti-terror" arrests in Toronto has sparked a
national debate about the threat of terrorism in Canada and the issue
of security. In response to this debate, the Toronto Coalition to
Stop the War would like to put forward the following points:
1) All those arrested must be treated as innocent until proven
guilty. This precept is the cornerstone of our justice system and, in
order to guarantee a fair and open trial, must be consistently
applied to all those now facing charges;
2) What has been reported in the press are alleged acts and not
proven facts. Only a trial by the public courts system - and not the
media - can determine the difference. All media has a responsibility
to report on the case fairly and accurately and without resorting to
sensationalism;
3) Members of government and other public officials should not
publicly comment on the case in any way that undermines the precept
of "innocent until proven guilty" or that compromises the integrity
of a fair and open trial. So far both Prime Minister Stephen Harper
and Minister of Public Safety Stockwell Day have already suggested
that those charged are guilty;
4) The Muslim community and the Islamic faith should not in any way
be held responsible for the alleged acts of individual suspects.
Every effort should be made to ensure the safety and security of
Muslims and to prevent any kind of backlash against the Muslim
community. All acts motivated by Islamophobia and hate should be
opposed and condemned;
5) Canadians should bear in mind that this recent wave of arrests is
not the first. Two years ago, as many as twenty-six Muslim men were
arrested in Toronto in a sweep called "Project Thread" that received
widespread international attention and that, according to at least
one government official, had uncovered "an Al-Qaeda sleeper cell" in
Canada. This statement was proved to be false, not one of the men
were ever formally charged (or convicted) of committing a crime, and
most were deported from Canada. No effort was made to clear their
names or restore their reputations.
Please circulate this statement in order to help defend civil
liberties and to stand in solidarity with the Muslim community
against any kind of backlash. It is critical that this recent wave of
"anti-terror" arrests and the media coverage about it not be
exploited to perpetuate divisions between Muslims and non-Muslims and
that relationships of solidarity and support between communities be
expanded and deepened. The arrests should also not be exploited in
order to justify Canada's deeply unpopular participation in the
occupation of Afghanistan or the use of repressive measures that
curtail civil liberties in Canada such as secret trials and security
certificates.
The anti-war movement in Canada has an important role to play in
defending civil liberties, opposing racism and Islamophobia and
supporting the Muslim community. We hope that you will join us in
this effort.
Toronto Coalition to Stop the War
TCSW is Toronto's city-wide anti-war coalition,
comprised of more than fifty labour, faith and community organisations,
and a member of the Canadian Peace Alliance.
www.nowar.ca stopthewar {AT} sympatico.ca 416-795-5863
--- end forwarded message ---
=== 2 ===
--- forwarded article ---
Wounded Sentiments: Multiculturalism, the "Toronto 17", and the
National Imaginary
Sumayya Kassamali & Usamah Ahmad
Over the past week, popular discourse on the "Toronto 17" has
revolved around a shock at the possibility that Canadian citizens
would want to harm the nation state. This shock has been personified
by the depiction of a national body who has been wounded by a threat
to its multicultural ideals. We hope to argue, however, that the
wounds have not been inflicted on egalitarian ideals but rather on
how Canada produces its self-image - its "national imaginary" - in
the face of its racist, imperialist and exploitative underpinnings.
Rebuking the Myth of Innocence
At the heart of our problematization of the shock that surrounds the
"Toronto 17" case is that it constructs Canada as an innocent,
non-threatening and benevolent state. Indeed, many have even
suggested that opposition to the Canadian state stems from hatred
towards the Canadian ideals of tolerance, democracy and justice.
This conveniently ignores Canada's unjust activities both
domestically and globally. For example, the inception of the Canadian
state depended on the dispossession and colonization of First
Nations. How can a state be built on the foundations of justice when
it was created at the expense of the sovereignty of entire peoples, a
large portion of whom were wiped out by White settlers? Furthermore,
the state, yet to be decolonized, continues to oppose just
settlements with First Nations through its ostentatious contestation
of land claims, and continues to maintain First Nations peoples as
the most marginalized members of society.
Another aspect of the media's treatment of multiculturalism over the
past week has revolved around disbelief that immigrants would be
"ungrateful" to the country that has absorbed them into its
pluralistic wings. This sentiment again fails to appreciate the
racist institutions that have structured the immigrant experience in
Canada historically. Indeed until 1945, Canadian immigration policy
explicitly barred "undesirable racials" (essentially non-whites and
Jews) from entering the country, or placed a head tax on those
imported for labour. The Eurocentric and white supremacist bases of
the state can also be seen in the internment of Japanese-Canadians,
the Komagatamaru incident and the current illegal detentions of
Muslim men under "anti-terror" laws, such as the infamous Secret
Trial 5. Indeed racism is not only an experiential aspect of
immigration but has also resulted in a particular racialized
political economy.
Multiculturalist dogma helps obscure these realities that paint a
picture of Canadian nationhood based on racist intolerance and
exploitation. Canada's hands are not clean in the global scene
either. Its involvement in the invasion of Afghanistan, the meddling
in Haiti and "peace-keeping" in Somalia (with infamously disastrous
results) are all recent examples of Canadian interventionist agendas.
Furthermore, its partnership with American imperialism guised under
the language of a "war on terror" is another example of how this
state is involved in, and depends on, various forms of violence.
This is at the crux of our problem: given these realities, how can
the state be constructed as innocent, and how can action against it
inspire so much shock? It is clear that dominant ideology, and
specifically multiculturalist thinking, helps produce a national
mythology; a mythology that requires a national imaginary that the
media has been trying to reaffirm over the past week.
Given that crime and violence amongst citizens (particularly
perpetrated upon feminine and racialized bodies) do not regularly
produce hysteria, the true shock comes not from the possibility of
violence - be it explosion, murder, or otherwise - but the threat to
the nation state through its national imaginary, which is essential
to constituting and maintaining its boundaries. This imaginary is
dependant upon the image of a benevolent, non-violent state,
constructed as a pristine body which bears no battle markings or
blemishes. Neither has it perpetrated violence (thereby free of
implication), nor has it been the victim of violence; for any
acknowledgment of past victimization implies that there must have
been cause for inflicting harm. Such a motive or reason would, of
course, rupture the national imaginary. Thus, in order to keep the
body of the state pure and continue to imagine the nation as one of
multicultural tolerance, the "Toronto 17" must be constructed through
an ahistorical lens, where only an irrational,
ideologically-motivated group of individuals could (allegedly) desire
to harm such innocence.
Any attempt to problematize this presumed innocence would wound both
how Canada defines and experiences itself. The media discourse
surrounding the "Toronto 17", evidently racist, essentialist, and
filled with dramatic hyperboles of "they hate our freedom", has not
simply been a defensive reaction to the charges presented by RCMP and
CSIS. Rather, it is an essential method of ensuring that the national
imaginary remains firmly in its place. In turn, such discourses are
critical to articulating and defining what is in the best interest of
the nation - notably, stricter immigration policy, greater trampling
of civil rights, and the need for increased security. Given the
contemporary realities of war and destruction conflicted on primarily
Muslim countries, the national imaginary further enables the
production of a reductionist image of the "West and the Rest" to
justify its global agendas.
You're Right, Multiculturalism Doesn't Work
In the barrage of public discussion that has followed Saturday's
sensationalist events, we find ourselves once again faced with a
debate on "multiculturalism." The continually regurgitated "is
multiculturalism working?" most often begins from the same
presumption of innocence as is believed to define the history of the
Canadian state. Multiculturalism, it is claimed, was supposed to be
our pride and joy: our claim to uniqueness; our happily brandished
"Get Out of Jail Free" card in face of any accusations of practices
that look suspiciously like racism or intolerance; what makes us the
envy of the rest of the world. Ethnic conflict? Look at Canada, apart
from Quebec every so often, we all get along just great. Forced
assimilation? Look at Canada, where aboriginal arts appear as
national symbols, where it is common to have students in a classroom
from every region of the world, and where quaint ethnic
neighbourhoods offer costume, craft and cuisine up for consumption as
capitalist proof of multi-cultured integration. But all of a sudden
some of them are dissatisfied - oh dear, has multiculturalism been
too nice?
Throughout the debate about Canada's self-congratulatory
multiculturalism that has followed Saturday's events, there has been
little substantial dialogue about how its highly lauded integration
model operates. Exactly what form of integration does our
"multiculturalism" command? Or, specifically, integration into who's
model? The white, middle-class, secular ideal to which we are told to
aspire is not only undesirable to many (and rightly so), it is
inaccessible and impossible. There is no acknowledgment of structural
barriers to such integration, and how in fact multicultural policies
shut down room for critical debate. Multiculturalism can breed
terrorists by allowing them not to assimilate and allowing Muslims to
keep to their own neighbourhoods, CBC informs us.
That forced ghettoization has anything to do with labour and
socioeconomic barriers is unmentioned; that the racialization of
space both stems from and is a result of racism, which confines
populations to "their own neighbourhoods" and causes communities to
come together in face of outside rejection simply cannot be spoken:
for we are a multicultural state, remember? We accept everyone.
In listening to discussions over the past week, we have also been
disgusted by the continual reoccurrence of the question, "if they
don't like our values, why do they come here?" Well, "our values", as
we know, are built upon stolen land and the bodies and labour of
aboriginal and immigrant populations. Furthermore, there is no
mention of global economic and political factors which are causing
forced migration in mass numbers at an unprecedented scale in human
history. Canada's willing participation in neoliberal institutions
such as NAFTA and the FTAA furthers the economic integration of
countries under a globalized capitalist economy, flooding foreign
markets with goods which devalue domestic products and cause the
export and exploitation of cheap labour to fuel consumerist desires
at home. Migration, increasingly feminized as evident in Canada's
Live in Caregiver Program which sees Filipina women coming to Canada
to work as domestic workers under unjust conditions, is often not a
choice.
Yet regardless of the multiplicity of reasons for which Muslims are a
growing population in Canada today, given our multicultural
tolerance, one would expect to find it a space of respectful
diversity, at least. It is at times like these that we are reminded,
through public discourse and the reassertion of the national
imaginary, what the true definition of "Canadianness" is.
Defining the Nation; Defining the Other
The hegemonic white, consumerist ideals which form the premise of
dominant Canadian culture alienate all peoples who deviate from this
historically positioned identity. There is thus no room for
discussing how dominant consumer-based cultural mores may indeed be
alienating for many, including many Muslim, persons. But for
Muslims, we are further faced with the existence of an imperialism
which clearly defines us as an Other, globally. The very ability to
define oneself as Muslim, and not Secular and White, is under attack.
Over the past week, there have been continual attempts in the media
to solicit the testimonies of Muslims to prove that the National
Other is not the Muslim (necessarily), but the "Bad Muslim." The
opinions these Muslims can voice are limited within certain terms of
engagement; terms under which we cannot interrogate the realities of
racism and imperialism, but have to take an apologetic tone in
claiming "we are not all bad!" Instead, we must prove that we are
"Good Muslims" whose faith is confined purely to our
personal-spiritual identity (and cannot be politicized or the basis
of a morally guided political praxis), who attempt to live the
middle-class Canadian dream and do not deviate from status quo
sentiments and desires; who love the Canadian state for its
pluralistic benevolence and ignore its imperialist, racist and
exploitative tendencies.
This typography requires certain Muslim spokespersons, or "native
informants", to legitimize the polarizing of who is a part of the
social body and who is not. The media vehemently recruits these
individuals to reassure Canadians that racism and social alienation
do not produce rage because these spokespeople are Muslim too, and
even they find these Muslim Others abhorrent. Through these
relations, the self is thus reaffirmed by not only defining the Other
(the Bad, "freedom-hating", Muslim), but also defining the self's
(the Canadian State's) jurisdiction to control and produce the terms
on which the Other can interact with the social body. This occurs
through discussions on how to "integrate" Muslims into "Canadian
society" and justifies the imposition of such racialized and legally
dubious devices as security certificates.
Another aspect of the "Toronto 17" in media discourse has been the
nationalism Muslims are being forced to adopt. In proving the status
of a "Good Muslim", we are asked to legitimize our presence on this
territory by espousing an uncritical zeal for the state. Nationalism
always works to shroud status quo relations and exploitation by
constructing an imagined commune to which one must be emotionally and
viscerally committed. There have thus been charges that if certain
groups do not accept dominant mores, they have no reason to be here.
We are forced into celebratory nationalism or are labelled "Enemies
Within" who need to be exorcised (or deported). As outlined earlier,
immigration is not a favour the state endows, nor necessarily a
"choice", but a historical product of exploitation Canada continues
to benefit from.
Ultimately, then, it is important not to fall into apologetic
nationalisms, or "gratefulness," but to maintain a critical lens on,
and oppositional praxis to, Canada's role in the unjust Order of
Things. Current debates around multiculturalism and shock can be
conceptualized as "wounded sentiments": it is not the integrity of
the national body that is being challenged but rather, the national
imaginary. This imaginary has produced the "Toronto 17" as having
violated core Canadian ideals without problematizing these ideals. As
we have discussed, these ideals are in fact not "freedom-loving" and
"tolerant" but a particular configuration of racist imperialist
thinking guised in ahistorical multiculturalist ideology.
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