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| Patrice Riemens on Tue, 7 Apr 2009 13:56:56 +0200 (CEST) |
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| <nettime> Franco Berardi (aka Bifo): Communism or the Therapy of Singularization |
Bifo gave that speech at a conference in London, last February
bwo the Bricolist/ Jaromil
COMMUNISM IS BACK BUT SHOULD CALL IT THE THERAPY OF SINGULARIZATION
(italian version is also available, on the rekombinant mailinglist)
1. BEYOND OUR KNOWLEDGE
Economists and politicians are worried: they call it crisis and they
hope it is going to unfold like the numerous previous crisis that
stormed the Economy in the past century and then passed away, leaving
Capitalism stronger. I think this time it is different. This is not
a crisis, but the symptom of the incompatibility of the potency of
productive forces (cognitive labour in the global network) and the
paradigm of growth. This is not a crisis but the final collapse of a
system that has lasted for five hundred years. Look at the landscape:
the world's great powers are trying to rescue financial
institutions. But the financial collapse has affected the industrial
system, the demand is falling, jobs are lost by the millions. In order
to rescue the banks the State is taking money from the taxpayers of
tomorrow, and this means that the demand is going to fall further in
the next years. Family spending is plummeting, and consequently much
industrial production is going to be dismissed. It's not going to last
just one or two years, this time is forever. In an article published
by the International Herald Tribune the moderate-conservative David
Brooks writes: "I worry that we are operating far beyond our economic
knowledge." This is the point: the complexity of the global economy is
far beyond any knowledge and governance. Presenting Obama's rescue
plan, on February 10 th 2009, Timothy Geithner, the US Secretary of
Treasure, said: "I want to be candid. This comprehensive strategy will
cost money, involve risk and take time. We will have to adapt it as
conditions change. We will have to try things we've never tried
before. We will make mistakes. We will go through periods in which
things get worse and progress is uneven or interrupted." Although
these words show Geithner's intellectual honesty and the impressive
difference of the new leading American class compared to the Bushites,
they also point out the breakdown of political self-confidence. The
political knowledge we have inherited from Modern Rationalist
philosophy is useless now. Chaos (i.e. a degree of complexity which
is beyond the ability of human understanding) is the new king of the
world. The problems that the world is facing nowadays cannot be solved
by the way of adaptation and rationalization of Economy. The
capitalist paradigm can no longer be the universal rule of the human
activity. Let's face it: the history of modern capitalism is over. So
what?
2. NET VS CRIME
Let's have a retrospective look at the rise and decline of the
Neoliberal economy, the economy of the law of the strongest. There are
two faces, in the post-modern economy of the last thirty years: one
face can be labelled 'Net-Economy', the other 'Criminal capitalism'.
The Net-economy is based on collaboration and sharing, on the creation
of new ways of managing social activity. The Net-economy is
challenging the proprietary principle that has ruled Modern capitalist
society.
In order to reassess and re-impose the proprietary rule, Capitalism
has reacted in a criminal way: the criminal face of capitalism is
based on the abandonment of every legal rule in the pursuit of profit
and the sanctification of competition. Criminal politics has led the
global economy to the present mess, but criminals are still in power
in every country, although they have failed to govern the chaotic
reality created by deregulation. The Neo-liberal ideology has failed,
but those who have been thriving in the shadow of this neo-liberal
deceit cling to their power and prepare for the final show down.
A contradiction is growing between the general intellect and the
criminal ruling class. Who's going to win?
Obama's victory in the US may be the opening of a new period in the
evolution of mankind. This event has injected new hope in the peaceful
army of the general intellect all over the world. The new President
was voted in by cognitive labor, and his victory is the defeat of the
criminal class represented by Cheney-Bush. But this victory marks only
the beginning of the fight, that will be the fight of intellectual
force against the brutal force of ignorance, violence and profit.
The criminal class, composed the adventurers of finance, the managers
of big corporations, and mafia-like lumpenbourgeosie has seized power
in two moves: first with the Neoliberal declaration of the primacy of
competition on every ethical, political or legal rule. Second through
the occupation of the system of production of the collective mind: the
media system. Manufacturing social expectations and the collective
imagination, the media system has contrasted and finally overwhelmed
the productive cognitive class, and subjugated the exploited to the
bad dreams of the exploiters.
The private occupation of the social space of communication
(advertising, TV) has produced an effect of alienated identification,
privatisation of life, need and consumption. Need is not a natural
impulse, but the product of the cultural action of modelling the
social imagination and sensibility monopolised by the corporate
media-system. The privatization of life has pulverized social
solidarity, and forced each person to think in isolation about his/her
own necessities. Take for instance the privatisation of mobility, as a
distortion of the public sphere. An irrational, polluting and
cumbersome object, the private car (three tons of iron for the
displacement of a body that weighs only eighty kilograms) has been the
central object of the industrial production in the 20th century.
Why do cars have to be private? They could be public objects that
every person could take and use for the time needed, then leave open
in the street, ready for everyone else's transportation. They could be
substituted by much more comfortable public systems of transportation.
Why has the public system of transportation been sabotaged by the
ruling class, during the last decades? We know why very well. The
capitalist economy creates scarcity in the domain of transportation,
as in every other domain. The creation of scarcity is the premise of
accumulation, made possible by the privatization of need.
During the 90's the rise of networked production and the spread of
libertarian cyberculture opened the way to an alliance between
financial capitalism and cognitive work. Under the flag of the dotcom,
young intellectuals and scientists could find money to create their
own enterprise, and a process of redistribution of revenue became
possible. But this alliance was broken when the criminal class took
over the new potency of technology and subjected it to the power of
war. The dotcom experience was captured by the neoliberal lure, and in
the first decade of the new century intellectual labour was made
precarious and forced to accept any kind of economic blackmail. The
criminal class enslaved the cognitive class: knowledge was
fractalised, revenue reduced, exploitation and stress grew and grew.
The dotcom crash and 9/11 marked the subjugation of the high tech
experience, perverting the potency of technology and knowledge,
provoking countless victims, and igniting hatred all over the world.
The mass production of Fear, fanaticism and ignorance were not enough
to get western people's consent to the war. Western citizens were
invited by president Bush to go away and shop. Shopping against
Terror, shopping against psychic depression. But this massive access
to consumption has been financed with a boundless Debt. The
Euro-American population has been systematically pushed to buy huge
amounts of useless things, mentally intoxicated by advertising and
forced to identify happiness with consumption and well-being with
numbers of possessions.
The privatization of need and the reduction of well-being to
acquisition has destroyed any sense of dignity and self-love. The
social time of attention has been occupied by the flow of info-labor
and advertising. Language has been absorbed by labour and deserted by
affection. Love, tenderness, sex, affection, and care for others have
been transformed in merchandise. Every single person has became the
owner of many credit cards, a shopping machine, obliged to work more
and more in order to pay an ever growing debt. Debt turned to be the
universal chain, and this created the perfect conditions for universal
collapse. At last the collapse did happen.
Growth will never be back, not only because people will never be able
to pay for the Debt accumulated during the past three decades, but
also because the physical planetary resources are close to exhaustion,
and the nervous resources of the social brain are close to breakdown.
So what next?
3. ETHICAL PROTEST AND WAR
At the end of the 90s, when the process of globalisation and
privatisation was beyond criticism and its devastating potential well
hidden in the words of Neoliberal gurus, a movement of ethical protest
surfaced from the ranks of cognitive labor and from the ranks of
workers becoming conscious of the dangers of deregulation. At the very
end of the capitalist century, in the extreme West of the West, the
city of Seattle, hundreds of thousands people gathered and marched to
stop the WTO summit and protest against the effects of global
exploitation.
It was the beginning of the Age of Ethical Demonstrations. From
Seattle to Genova, from Prague to Bologna, to Cancun, crowds of
precarious and cognitive workers marched together. They were the
Ethical Consciousness of the world, and of course they were met by the
aggression of the police, under the instigation of the criminal class.
Some were killed and many were arrested because they were telling the
truth. They were trying to warn the people of the Earth that a great
danger was in sight. Now we know they were right. No-global protesters
were giving us a warning of the coming catastrophe, and now the
catastrophe is here.
Catastrophe means, in Greek, a change of position that allows the
viewer to see things that s/he could not see before. Catastrophe opens
new spaces of visibility, and therefore of possibility, but it also
demands a change of paradigm. The ethical demonstrators were defeated
after the world-wide march against the war on February 15th, 2003. One
hundred million people marched against the war in Iraq on that day.
President Bush answered that he did not need the people's advice, and
he started the war.
The criminal class of ignorance won against the movement of the
General Intellect. That is why the world is collapsing now.
Fter that, violence was opposed with violence and fanatics fought
against fanatics. From Afghanistan to Iraq, from Pakistan to Iran to
Georgia, the US power was defeated everywhere, and isolated. And at
the end of the day, this financial collapse is not without relation to
the geopolitical defeat. While the period of ethical demonstrations
was fading out, a new cycle of insurrection started exploding
somewhere in the West. The riots in the Paris banlieux in November
2005, the insurrection of the teachers of Oaxaca in 2006, the
explosion of a general rebellion in Greece in December 2008 have been
the harbingers of an insurrectional wave that will storm many parts of
the world in the coming years, while the Recession ravages social
life.
Scattered insurrections will take place in the coming years, but we
should not expect much from them. They'll be unable to touch the real
centres of power because of the militarisation of metropolitan space,
and they will not be able to gain much in terms of material wealth or
political power. As the long wave of no-global moral protests could
not destroy Neoliberal power, so the insurrections will not find a
solution, not unless a new consciousness and a new sensibility
surfaces and spreads, changing everyday life, and creating NON
temporary autonomous zones rooted in the culture and consciousness of
the global network.
Full employment is over. The world does not need so much labour and so
much exploitation. A radical reduction of labour-time is necessary.
Basic income has to be affirmed as a right to life independent of the
employment and disjoined from the lending of labour-time. Competence,
knowledge, and skills have to be separated from the economic context
of exchange value, and rethought in terms of free social activity.
4. PAYING THE MORAL DEBT
We should not look at the current recession from an economic point of
view. We must see it as an anthropological turning point that is going
to change the distribution of world resources and world power. Europe
is doomed to lose its economic privilege, as 500 years of colonialism
are ending. The Debt that Western people have accumulated is not only
economic but also moral: the debt of oppression, violence and genocide
has to be paid now, and it's not going to be easy. A large part of the
European population is not prepared to accept the redistribution of
wealth that the recession will impose. Europe, stormed by waves of
migration, is going to face a growing racist threat. Ethnic war will
be difficult to avoid. In the US, the victory of Barak Obama marks the
beginning of the end of the Western domination that was the premise of
the modern capitalist system. A wave of non identitarian indigenous
Renaissance is rising, especially in Latin America.
The struggle between labour and capital has reached a new phase, one
that may have unpredictable outcomes. We cannot say what the new
American Administration is really going to do. The words of Tim
Geithner that I quoted above show that Obama's Administration is
finding its way by trial and error. This is the meaning of the concept
of post-partisan pragmatism: the old ideological solutions that worked
in the 20th century are now out of order. Both liberalism and
socialism seem today out of touch with reality. The ruling class and
the economists are proposing old ways to face the recession, using old
maps for a new territory. Everybody says "protectionism has to be
avoided" while in fact each State is protecting its national economy.
Neoliberals say that the State should rescue the banks, pay the debts
and restore credit, then let private owners manage their enterprises
as usual. Socialists, on their side, say that the State should take
over the banks and nationalize the factories. What difference would
it make if the nationalized factories go on producing the same stuff?
The alternative between public and private ownership is a false one.
The solution is no longer in the realm of the Economy, but in that of
social culture. The model of Growth has been deeply interiorised: it
pervades daily life, perception, needs, and consumption styles.
Cultural action must free society from this model.
5. COMMUNISM WITHOUT AUFHEBUNG
The privatization of basic needs (housing, transportation, food) and
social services is based on the cultural identification of wealth and
well-being with the amount of private property owned. In the
anthropology of modern capitalism well-being has been equated with
acquisition, never with enjoyment. In the course of the social turmoil
we are going to live through in the coming years, the identification
of well-being with property has to be questioned. It's a political
task, but above all it is a cultural task, and a psychotherapeutic one
too.
The theoretical justification of the institution of private property
(in the writings of John Locke, for instance) is based on the
necessity to ensure the exclusive enjoyment of a thing that cannot be
shared: an apple cannot be shared, if I eat it you will not eat it.
But in the digital age the status of goods has changed: immaterial
goods are semiotic stuff that is not annihilated by use. When it comes
to semiotic products private property becomes irrelevant, and in fact
it is more and more difficult to enforce it. The campaigns against
piracy are paradoxical because the real pirates are the corporations
that are desperately trying to privatize the product of the collective
intelligence, and artificially trying to impose a tax on the community
of producers. The products of collective intelligence are immanently
common because knowledge can neither be fragmented nor privately
owned. A new brand of communism was already springing from the
technological transformations of Digital Networks, when the collapse
of the financial markets and Neoliberal Ideology exposed the frailty
of the foundations of hyper-capitalism. Now we can predict a new wave
of transformation from the current collapse of Growth and Debt, and of
private consumption as well-being. Because of these three forces:
commonality of knowledge, ideological crisis of private ownership,
mandatory communalisation of Need - a new horizon is visible and a new
landscape is going to surface. Communism is coming back.
The old face of Communism, based on the Will and voluntarism of an
avant garde, and on the paranoid expectations of a New Totality was
defeated at the end of the 20th century and will never resurrect. A
totally new brand of communism is going to surface as a form of
necessity, the inevitable outcome of the stormy collapse of the
capitalist system. The communism of capital is a barbarian necessity.
We must put freedom in this necessity, we need to make of this
necessity a conscious organised choice.
Communism is back, but we should name it in a different way because
historical memory identified this particular form of social
organization with the political tyranny of a Religion. The historical
communism of the 20th century was based on the idea of the primacy of
Totality over Singularity. But the dialectical framework that defined
the Communist movement of the 20th century has been completely
abandoned and nobody will ever be able to resurrect it.
The Hegelian ascendance played a major role in the formation of that
kind of religious belief that was labelled 'historicism'. The
Aufhebung (abolition of the real in favor of the realization of the
Idea) is the paranoid background of the whole conceptualization of
communism. Inside that dialectical framework Communism was viewed as
an all encompassing totality expected to abolish and follow the
capitalist all encompassing totality. The subject (the will and action
of the working class) was viewed as the instrument for the abolition
of the old and the instauration of the New.
6. SINGULARITIES
The industrial working class, being external to the production of
concepts, could only identify with the mythology of Abolition and
Totalization, but the general intellect cannot do that. The general
intellect is like the fish of Iggy Pop: "The fish is mute
expressionless, because the fish knows. Everything."
The general intellect does not need an expressive subject, like the
Leninist Party was in the 20th century. The political expression of
the General Intellect is at one with its action of knowing, creating,
and producing signs. We have abandoned the ground of Dialectics in
favour of the plural grounds of the Dynamic of singularization and the
multilayered co-evolution of singularities. Capitalism is over, but it
is not going to disappear. The creation of Non Temporary Autonomous
Zones is not going to give birth to any totalization. We are not going
to witness a cathartic event of Revolution, we'll not see the sudden
breakdown of State power. During the next months and years we'll
witness a sort of Revolution without a Subject. In order to
subjectivate this revolution we have to proliferate singularities.
This, in my humble opinion, is our cultural and political task.
After abandoning the field of the Dialectics of Abolition and
Totalization, we are now trying to build a Theory of the Dynamics of
recombination and singularization, a concept that is clearly drawn
from the works of Felix Guattari, particularly from his last book,
Chaosmose . Singularity does not mean "individual", because you can
have collective singularities. By the world singularity I mean an
agency that does not follow any rule of conformity and repetition, and
is not framed in any historical necessity. Singularity is a process
that is not necessary, because it is implied in the consequentiality
of history neither logically nor materially.
7. UNENDING PROCESS
Rather than a swift change in the social landscape, we should expect
the slow surfacing of new trends: communities abandoning the field the
crumbling ruling economies, more and more individuals giving up their
search for a job and creating their own networks of services.
The dismantling of the industry is unstoppable for the simple reason
that social life does not need industrial labour anymore. The myth of
Growth is going to be abandoned and people will look for new modes of
wealth distribution. Singular communities will transform the very
perception of well-being and wealth in the sense of frugality and
freedom. The cultural revolution that we need in this transition leads
from the perception of wealth as the private ownership of a growing
amount of goods that we cannot enjoy because we are too busy
purchasing the money needed for acquisition, to the perception of
wealth as the enjoyment of an essential amount of things that we can
share with other people.
The de-privatization of services and goods will be made possible by
this much needed cultural revolution. This will not happen in a
planned and uniformed way, this will rather be the effect of the
withdrawal of singular individuals and communities, and the result of
the creation of an economy of shared use of common goods and services
and the liberation of time for culture, pleasure and affection. While
this process expands at the margins of society, the criminal class
will hang on to its power and enforce more and more repressive
legislation, the majority of people will be increasingly aggressive
and desperate. Ethnic civil war will spread all over Europe, wrecking
the very fabric of civil life.
The proliferation of singularities (the withdrawal and building of non
temporary autonomous zones) will be a pacific process, but the
conformist majority will react violently, and this is already
happening. The conformist majority is frightened by the fleeing away
of intelligent energy and simultaneously is attacking the expression
of intelligent activity. The situation can be described as a fight
between the Mass Ignorance produced by Media-totalitarianism and the
shared Intelligence of the General Intellect.
We cannot predict what the outcome of this process will be. Our task
is to extend and protect the field of autonomy, and to avoid as much
as possible any violent contact with the field of aggressive mass
Ignorance. This strategy of non confrontational withdrawal will not
always succeed. Sometimes confrontation will be made inevitable by
racism and fascism. What has to be done in the case of unwanted
conflict is not foreseeable. Non violent reaction is obviously the
best choice, but it will not always be possible. The identification of
well-being with private property is so deeply rooted that a
barbarization of the human environment cannot be completely ruled out.
But the task of the general intellect is exactly this: fleeing from
paranoia, creating zones of human resistance, experimenting autonomous
forms of production based on high-tech-low-energy production: whilst
avoiding confrontation with the criminal class and the conformist
population.
Politics and therapy will be one and the same activity in the coming
time. People will feel hopeless and depressed and panicking, because
they are unable to deal with the post-growth economy, and because they
will miss the dissolving modern identity. Our cultural task will be
attending to those people and taking care of their insanity, showing
them the way of a happy adaptation at hand. Our task will be the
creation of social zones of human resistance that act like zones of
therapeutic contagion. The process of autonomisation has not to be
seen as a Aufhebung , but as Therapy. In this sense it is not
totalizing and intended to destroy and abolish the past. Like
psychoanalytic therapy it is rather to be considered as an unending
process.
Castoriadis and his friends published in the '60 a magazine titled
Socialisme ou barbarie.
But in Rhyzome they say that the disjunctive logic is the obsession of
the Western metaphysics. We should stop to think in terms of
"or...or....ore", and we should begin in terms of conjunction:
and...and...and
In our future I don't see Socialisme ou barbarie, rather I see
Socialisme et barbarie. The problem is how large will be the field of
barbarianism, and how large will be space of friendship. In a letter
to his master Freud, the young psychoanalist Fliess asked: when should
I think that a therapy is ended? When can I think that my patient has
recovered? Freud, who was not stupid, answered: you can think that
the therapy is over when the person understands that psychoanalysis is
an unending process.
London, February 2009
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