We declare and memorialize the deaths of our time so that we can pass beyond them to enter the scene of the dominant neo-fascist ideology.
Who needs neo-liberals? The answer turns out to be only those sectors of corporate capital that are opposed to right-wing takeovers and are happy to have a weakened President in their pocket to take out and wind up when they want things like a Mexican peso bailout.
Neo-liberalism is dead, which means at long last that liberalism is dead. Neo-liberalism already was not liberal - it was communitarianism in camouflage, a moderate nationalism embarrassed to proclaim its patriotism, and thus taking refuge in abstract signifiers of republican virtue and citizenship. But that was not all. Neo-liberalism was also the technotopia of the "information highway" hype, trade war with China over CDs; New Age revivalism, prayer meetings of the New Class (Dead Power Elite), Renaissance Weekends. It slowly morphed itself into the double of its competitor: technotopian conservative corporatism. It represented the virtual class, but so does its now victorious opposition. It represented arts administrators, public corporations, "non-profits." The opposition does not. Big deal.
Neo-liberalism is a stinking corpse. Its defenders (eg., the New Republic crowd) are still around on the opinion pages in search of some constituency, making faintly more "liberal" noises than they used to.
With the dissolve of radical democracy the inheritors of the liberation movements adopted a stance of defensive particularism toward the world and suffered continual fragmentation from within, generating a ceaseless production of micro-ideologies. They hid out and tried to establish bases and safe havens in the old-liberal bureaucracies. They were the new left's detritus in a mode of backlash.
With the fall of neo-liberalism the last protective shield for the new-left backlash was removed and the inheritors of liberation were transformed into the victim groups of the right wing, left only with abuse value for their tormentors. Liberation was dead-on-arrival in 1968. Its backlash, Difference, died in 1994.
The "new left" survives today in academic post Marxism. Ernesto Laclau, a self-proclaimed partisan of the "new left" and of "radical democracy," admitted that the right rather than radical democracy might be the mobilizer of a dislocated "advanced" capitalist society that produces fragmented identities as its most conspicuous product. On the other side of anti-humanism, Laclau proposes a movement for bringing humanity into being for the first time! The Port Huronists had the confidence that they represented humanity's deepest yearnings. Laclau has a yearning for humanity.
The first appearance of technotopian conservative corporatism was the Reagan administration with its "Star Wars" myth and its crackdown on subaltern groups. Conservative corporatism means favoring the complex organizations of corporate capital and their allies at the expense of vast regions of the state apparatus and the non-capitalist organized interests to which that apparatus caters. It becomes technotopian when the operations of corporate power are both masked and appropriated by a technotopian vision.
Take away government and deliver the population to the mercies of corporate capital in the name of a decentralized opportunity society brought into being by the "information revolution" (the Internet) (Tofflerian third-waveism): that is Gingrichism, the second and over-ideologized version of technotopian conservative corporatism. Gingrichism is the latest phase of the virtualization process: it is the pan-capitalist road to virtualization, the way in which virtualization is appropriated by capitalism rather than shared with the entire state apparatus and dependent organizations as was the formula of the neo-liberal technotopia (Goreism) of the "information superhighway."
In pure Tofflerism all second-wave bureaucracies will wither away as the techniques of the information revolution render them obsolete, and flexible and decentralized networks take their place, miming the rhizomatic technostructure. In Gingrichism decentering is left to happen by itself for capitalist bureaucracies, whereas dislocation (Laclau) is forced to happen for non-capitalist interests by destroying the regions of the state apparatus that serve them. Gingrichism is the viciously naive cynical ploy of the hybrid monster, Newt Gingrich, who combines third-wave populist boosterism with service to corporate capitalism. He is the great mediating signifier of the two components of the virtual class: the technotopians and the information industry. Right-wing hegemony guarantees that pan-capitalism is the beneficiary and agent of virtualization, the production of cyber-space.
Under these smarmy rationalizations is sadistic glee in trampling the weak. The unmarried teen-age mother of the black underclass has enormous abuse value. All of the male and Christian-right backlash against the new-left backlash can now be exploited to satisfy the will to punish. Robert Greenstein, a policy analyst, noted that the Republican welfare-reform bill would cut off funds for low-income families with children who have cerebral palsy: "I wonder why they're doing something like that. Are they cutting to help finance cuts in the capital gains tax?" [Carol Jouzaitas, "House GOP seeks major welfare cuts," Chicago Tribune, 2/10/95, Sec. 1, p. 14.] That's the way technotopian conservative corporatism works. And don't forget the abuse value.
Michael A. Weinstein is Professor of Political Science at Purdue University. He has published nineteen books, ranging from cultural theory to metaphysics. With Arthur Kroker he co-authored Data Trash: The Theory of the Virtual Class.
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